by A57SC / Is the Brondeel Expedition the key to the story of the Belg. Coupé ?- Part 3: Stanleyville
Mr. Paul Neuray starts the chapter on Stanleyville (currently: Kisangani) with a statement that the city’s nickname “Stan” was more popular than its proper name. Stanleyville was the capital of the eastern province. Mr. Neuray describes it as “worthy of its great governors” and “ready to grow even bigger”. However, he notes that the expedition found “Stan” in the state of stagnancy caused by a crisis and by administrative reorganization. The sights described in the article include well-defined avenues, charming villas with gardens full of flowers, cemented tennis courts becoming noisy just after the end of the excessive heat and a cannon of a great caliber which was a war trophy from the battle of Tabora. Among the signs of crisis one could notice smaller number of customers in luxury stores and an empty high-class hotel. The sweet and sour landscape is completed by a picture of a lumberjack from Ardennes holding his axe next to a wild boar. According to Mr. Neuray, the river Congo seemed to be particularly impressive near Stanleyville. The expedition members could see a stone stele dedicated to the memory of lieutenant Dubois who died in that place on the 26th of August 1886. It inspired a mention about a Scottish officer, Mr. Walter Deane who “had really tried to save” Mr. Dubois. Mr. Neuray dedicates some paragraphs to the market of “Stan”- filled by a noisy crowd looking at “all containers of the world”- from a bowl made of dried soil to an ornate basin. The products could be described as countless and hard to describe, bargains- as extreme. Mr. Neuray noticed large amounts of salt, some elegant people walking around and a stolid police agent waiting for a moment when his intervention would be needed. In an Arab village nearby Mr. Neuray noticed people wearing white, thin houppelandes, lingering on the doorsteps of comfortable huts. The leader lived in a two-story house. A tricolor flag hovered in its window. As the expedition moved closer to the Wagenia Falls, the river Congo seemed to foam and roar harder. On its banks and in the center of its riverbed there were scaffolds made of barely squared logs. An excited crowd surrounded a place where the canoes were launched. The Wagenias of Binakulu would reveal their fish traps and Messrs. Dekeukeleire and Rents were ready to document that. At first, things were happening slowly, with canoes approaching the middle of the river. The movement of the paddles accelerated. The current of the river required “a superhuman effort”. Mr. Neuray states that initially the canoeists “fought and won”. Then the water became stronger and carried them away. Tireless, they went back upstream. The river seemed even more dangerous as it was fringed with foam. However, the Wagenias reached their destination. Having been already impressed by the strength of the indigenous people, the expedition members saw some other fishers jumping into the water and overcoming the power of the current with a flawless crawl to retrieve the fish traps. A triumphant reveal of a “kisengesenge” (a fish called “captain”) was the climax of the scene. Mr. Neuray describes the “captain” as an animal with a dreadful jaw which should strike terror to smaller organisms. The action-packed story about the fights against the river is followed by a paragraph about the chants of the fishers. The journalist describes the initial sound as “monotonous chant that could pinch one’s innards”. “Then, the voices swelled into a vigorous crescendo”- he adds. As the tone got lower, the journalist got an impression of hearing a prayer to the deities of the river. He describes the chant as a homage to the life-giving water. Then, he proceeds to sounds and smells of nature itself. From the sound of thunder to the clouds of foam, probably of the Tshopo falls. The river Tshopo is a tributary of the river Congo. Mr. Neuray describes the Tshopo falls as “captivating spectacle”. “No indigenous people, just nature”- he adds. “Contemplating a mass of water which was falling to dust at their feet” took the expedition members some hours. They found the view really beautiful. Then, they went on from watching nature to experiencing civilization as Stanleyville was the center of Congolese education. A professional school created by Marist brothers was shown to them by a proud missionary. Mr. Neuray describes the visit as too brief, yet showing what can be achieved by people who work with energy and dedication. A cathedral, placed on top of high stairs, was dominating a valley bordered by palm trees “erected like masts”. Mr. Neuray claims having seen “proofs of Belgian colonial virtues” at every step. He adds that Stanleyville had asked for nothing but development and that the city’s full growth was stopped by the crisis. Yet, the expectations kept being high. Mr. Neuray illustrates that with a scene in “a model hospital” to which the rescuers brought an indigenous person with wounds caused by members of a secret society called Anyoto. Anyoto who are known as “leopard men” were attacking people to murder them and leave traces which would give the impression of a leopard attack. The victim seen by the expedition members was almost bled dry. Mr. Neuray was convinced that the person would die the next day. On the 13th of February the Expedition members received a telegram from the King Albert. The correspondence was as follows:
(the telegram sent by Commandant Brondeel from Bangassou)(the telegram from the King, received by the expedition members in Stanleyville)
Four days later the king died, but Mr. Brondeel and his colleagues learned about that after a week.
Andrzej Szczodrak
Many thanks to: Uwe, Ante and Valentin Mrs. Viviane De Jaeger Mr. Jean-Luc Ernst
The Goyvaerts family Mr. Marc Duhoux Mr. Michel Jacquemart, Dr. Pierre Jacquemart Mr. Marc René Crahay Mr. Rob Van den Broeck Mrs. Françoise Quatrus Mr. Paul Grant
by A57SC / Is the Brondeel Expedition the key to the story of the Belg. Coupé ?- Part 2: In Bangassou and in Congo
The expedition members deserved a rest, so they stayed in Bangassou for a day. They met missionaries- Fathers of the Holy Spirit whose vicariat was in Bangi. The mission was about 50 years old. Its station in Bangassou was led by Father Fayet who had served three years in army and experienced four years of war. All the resources of the station were at disposition of Mr. Brondeel and his colleagues. Moreover, the administrator named Darré “welcomed them the best possible way”. A Belgian merchant named Van Doorslaer provided rooms and beds for those who could not be hosted by the mission. Mr. Brondeel sent a telegram to the King: “Happy for having overcame the difficulties, twenty days, twenty hours, Brussels-Bangassou. Sending your majesty the expression of respectful devotion”. Mr. Neuray’s first memory from Congo are singing paddlers and omnipresence of tam-tams. The journalist recalls that the expedition members felt excitement with “the African extension of their homeland” mixed with fear of disappointment. They noticed a neat village at the beginning of their long travel through the edge of the Congo Rainforest. Mr. Neuray describes the forest as “born on the Belgian shore with soil, water and the Sun as its parents”. He says that the forest used to rule the world of animals and men but the things changed when the Europeans arrived. They replaced trails with roads, built cities on enlarged clearings. In the words of Mr. Neuray “The forest seemed to be defeated but it was ready to take its revenge” with its diffuse and cloudy light and with its overwhelming humid heat. The journalist compares the woodland to a cathedral in which tree peaks serve as dome while trunks, branches and leafs form the walls that welcome rays of light as golden ornaments. When they reached another village, they saw a pallet on the ground and “myriads” of colorful butterflies. The insects crashing into the windscreen of the car made Mr. Neuray think about nature as a field of constant fight. He saw indigenous people as those who combine two attitudes: contemplating the combat with resignation and wondering what to do. Arriving to Monga, the expedition members came across the first Belgian customs post since Alger. They were grateful to “kind Mr. Devos who reduced the formalities to minimum”. They crossed the river Bili with a ferry looking at the foam around the rocks and listening to thunder-like sounds. Then, they arrived to Bondo to see the houses of the mission with their high roofs, the fathers using a little motorcycle and the river Uélé which gave the name to the district. Through a rail crossing they entered the domain of Vicicongo. The railroad was parallel to their route. They reached a stop marked by a white box with square walls. There was a bridge, dedicated only for trains. Mr. Brondeel and his colleagues took two tours of the Likati river with two ferries. At crossroads near Bifur the road and the railroad, coming from Bondo, split into two paths: to Buta and to Aketi. Aketi was an industrial and commercial center with a port, a railway station, warehouses and factories. Having taken the Aketi direction, the expedition members made a stop. Mr. Neuray describes the place of their rest as located “at the feet of a giant of a forest”. He recalls the colorful peak sparkling with colors of twirling parakeets, and the dimness making this “dappled symphony” more dazzling. The stop of the caravan attracted curiosity of the indigenous people. However, Mr. Neuray describes the Congolese as mistrustful and not as affectionate as the inhabitants of the French-governed regions. He even quotes one of the expedition members who said “They are just like Belgian peasants”. Another impression comes from the reactions to an albino. An initial confusion of Mr. Brondeel’s colleagues is contrasted with a deep respect of his compatriots. On the road to Buta, the expedition members had some near-crashes with birds. Then, they witnessed a sentinel presenting arms. Mr. Neuray describes the scene with the words “a flash of the bayonet lit the night”. As Mr. Brondeel and his people arrived to the Hôtel des Vicicongo (i.e. a hotel of Congo railways), the auditorium was as bright as in the daylight. After the hardships of travel the comfort of the hotel seemed exquisite. The Uélé district was governed by commissary named Pierre Bougnet described by Mr. Neuray as “active and friendly”. Buta was the capital of the district. It used to be a hub for economic activity before being touched by a crisis. Mr. Neuray describes the city as dying, with “an atmosphere of malaise that seems to weigh on the banks of Rubi”. However, he remarks that there are people who refuse to despair and who fight the bad luck with tenfold energy. Some major economic challenges for Buta could have been linked to the perspective of moving of the main Vicicongo roadside workshop from Buta to Isiro. Mr. Neuray notes that the management of the railway company was rather reluctant to perform the operation. However, the decision became necessary because of the processes resulting from the extension of the line towards east. Mr. Neuray points out that cotton and coffee farming would stay in Buta and that the station would see loads of these products on trains departing towards Aketi and Matadi. In Buta the expedition mechanics made a revision of the vehicles “with their own means and with the means placed at their disposition by Mr. Wery, the boss of exploitation of the central Vicicongo workshop”. It was needed as “the material” had covered 9000 kilometers. While the “technicians” worked on the vehicles, others went on tour of Buta. They saw a Premonstratensian mission erecting a church bell that towered over a school and an orphanage. The city had also two banks (Banque du Congo Belge and Banque Belge d’Afrique) and many well-endowed shops. Another place visited by the expedition members was the military camp led by commandant Van Pee who organized a parade to honor Mr. Brondeel and his men. According to Mr. Neuray, commandant Van Pee was really proud of his Azandé (Zandé) soldiers. Having been told that the trucks had come from Belgium, the soldiers approached the crew with fearful curiosity. Mr. Neuray describes the camp as closed environment with separate barracks for households and for single people, kitchens, workshops (among which there was a carriage repair workshop) and an office “that was not leaving any paperwork to Europe”. While visiting the facilities of the camp, Mr. Brondeel and his colleagues were surrounded by a group of noisy kids. The sound of a trumpet and a salute to the flag marked a change of the guard. Mr. Neuray asked himself why weren’t the African soldiers of Belgium more numerous. “Maybe some day we will need them”- he notes. The next chapter of Mr. Neuray’s reportage focuses on the Uélé district. The author starts with describing the region as “disadvantaged” from that point of view, despite “very extensive road network” and constantly developed railways. The article is full of numbers. At the beginning, it informs about the increase of produced cotton- from 17300 tons in 1932 to 21700 in 1933. The predictions for 1934 were at 31000 tons. As for the coffee, Mr. Neuray notes the rise from 996 tons in 1932 to 2136 tons in 1933. The numbers for palm oil are 575 tons (1932) and 1312 tons (1933). The amount of gold, dug by companies named “Colomines”, “Sokeno” and “Forminière” rose from 337 to 386 kilograms. Another mentioned material is ivory. Mr. Neuray remarks that there had been a change in the export laws, but in 1933 the production reached 2967 kilograms, compared to 2245 in 1932. He notes that the statistics of Vicicongo (the railway) and of Unatra (Union Nationale des Transports Fluviaux, a government-controlled company which provided river transport services) indicated the increase both in import and in export. This remark is supported by the numbers reflecting the traffic in the port of Aketi. Then, Mr. Neuray describes the road network of the region. There were 1176 of main routes, 2753 of secondary routes and 1912 of private routes. Such infrastructure was used by the drivers of 127 passenger cars and 270 trucks. A reference to « La Croisière noire » (“The Black Journey”), which reached Buta on the 6th of march 1925, helps Mr. Neuray to describe the development of the network. At the time when Citroën organized that expedition, the only road which allowed car traffic was the royal route Congo-Nile. Then, the infrastructure was developed- from breaches in the forest to a road network clearly visible on the maps. However, the roads, which were perfect in the beginning, experienced degradation due to traffic, tornadoes and lack of proper maintenance. The railway network, with a gauge of 600 centimeters, was operated by a company named Société des Chemins de Fer Vicinaux du Congo (Company of Minor Railways of the Congo). The company was known under a nickname “Vicicongo”. Mr. Neuray estimates the importance of railways as equal to the road network. He describes two main branches: Aketi-Mawa and Bondo-Aketi. The first of them was 431 kilometers long in early 1934. It was to be extended towards Isiro and reach the length of 560 kilometers in April that year. It had also a fork towards Titule. Mr. Neuray compliments the plan according to which the network was constructed and its execution. In the opinion of the journalist, the elements like bridges, stations and repair workshops had been built properly and in well-chosen places. Another sector of Congolese economy circumscribed by the expedition member is the banking industry. Mr. Neuray emphasizes its role in export financing. He begins with La Banque Belge d’Afrique which had an important office in Buta. The journalist writes that the institution had had a big impact on the economical development of the Uélé district. Mr. Neuray expresses an opinion that the credits provided by the bank allowed the planters to focus on the production and on the development of the plantation. As an example, he links the improvement of the quality of the Robusta coffee with the larger number of bank deposit operations involved in the trade of this type of coffee beans. He refers to the fact that Robusta was (and still is) slightly less rated than Arabica, describing Congolese Robusta as not actually inferior to the more renowned species. He finds it better than many South-American coffees. In the next paragraph, he says that Robusta is one of two main sources of Uélé’s wealth, along with cotton. 1934 marked the fifteenth anniversary of introduction of cotton in the region (it was the year of fifteenth cotton harvest campaign). Mr. Neuray highlights the fact that all of about 300000 planters were indigenous. They had learned the whole process: weeding, threshing, harvesting and sun exposure. So, it was possible to see cotton flocks spread out on the raised racks, losing their moisture in the sun. Mr. Neuray describes the cotton picking as “one of the most pleasant spectacles” as men, women and children put the raw cotton in the baskets that they had made with their own hands. They could bring it home as a light burden, placed on their heads. So, they were walking in long processions along the roads to bring the harvest to their villages. The expedition members have passed or crossed paths with many of these people, noticing especially the girls. A honk would be frightening for some of them and cause laugh with others. The expedition members wondered why did the indigenous people not walk side by side. They said that there had always been someone with soft feet. In his summary of cotton market Mr. Neuray informs that the farmers, who always cultivated some food crops alongside cotton, sold the raw cotton as grains or flock for 60 centimes per kilogram. In 1930 the crop had costed 1 franc 20 centimes in Bas-Uélé and 1 franc 10 centimes in Haut-Uélé. Three kilograms of raw cotton were needed to make one kilogram of ginned cotton. Therefore, Mr. Neuray calculates the real price of a kilogram of cotton to 1 franc 80 centimes and a revenue to around 70 francs a year. The revenue allowed to pay a tax of 25 francs and keep 45 francs for other expenses. Except money, the farmers received 10 grams of salt for each kilogram of cotton. The chiefs asked for a bonus of two centimes per a kilogram of cotton harvested during their chiefdom. Some of them could earn about 23000 francs that way. Every two years 6000 tonnes of breeding seeds (3000 tonnes per year) were distributed for free in breeding stations in Lakulu, Poko, Ibambi, Bafuka. They came from the selection station placed in Bambeka. The two-year cycle was chosen despite the fact that cotton was sown yearly. The cotton market could have been really attractive as companies had given tools to the farmers, spending about 3 millions. Mr. Neuray writes about a “monopoly” for buying reserved to companies (as there was more than one, it should be called “Oligopoly”): • Cotongo (Coton du Congo) • N.A.H.V (Nieuwe Afrikaanse Handels-Vennootschap) • B.G.K or “Belgika” • Socobom • Cotonepo. He adds that the price of the Congese cotton was 20 to 30 centimes higher than of the material imported from America (for medium staple cotton: >26 mm and ˂ 28 mm), concluding that it was no longer needed to enforce the Congese cotton on the Belgian market. The product earned a position which could not be questioned. Mr. Neuray calls it “justice”. The next article begins with an information that the caravan had covered 345 kilometers from Buta to Stanleyville in less than 8 hours thanks to an excellent road which was only cut by numerous and inevitable culverts. They needed five ferries, on rivers Rubi, Tele, Aruwimi, Lindi and Tschopo. The last three of these rivers were tributaries of the river Congo. In front of the locality of Banalia, Aruwimi flowed fast, as a large stream. It was divided into two branches by an isle formed by shiny rocks. On the right and on the left of the road there were forest reserves- about 3 kilometers long and about 500 meters deep. The expedition members reached the « Réserve forestière Prince Léopold » (located on the 29th kilometer of the road Stanleyville-Buta, established by Order P.O. no 23 from the 13th of April 1927). Mr. Neuray describes it as a place where the forest “becomes more dense, more beautiful and more bushy”. He suggests that the “magnificent spectacle of the equatorial forest- always identical, however amazing” would be reflected by a film developed in the rhythm of the expedition. As the film would only reflect the sights, the journalist recalls the feelings coming from other senses “disgusting atmosphere of a glass house”, “unhealthy humidity caused by miasmas of dead plants and animals” and “crushing silence interrupted only by the movement of the caravan”. However, during the night the banks of streams woke up with “thousand noises” in a “dissonant concert of a crazy surrealist musician”. Mr. Neuray recalls not having seen anybody near the road. The only traces of life were some elephant droppings and a fallen tree. Despite the lack of people, the way was cleaned and the tree lay on the verge. The journalist notes that the expedition members would travel some more time without any meeting with the Congolese. However, the empty road led them to a populous city- Stanleyville.
Andrzej Szczodrak
Many thanks to: Uwe, Ante and Valentin Mrs. Viviane De Jaeger Mr. Jean-Luc Ernst
The Goyvaerts family Mr. Marc Duhoux Mr. Michel Jacquemart, Dr. Pierre Jacquemart Mr. Marc René Crahay Mr. Rob Van den Broeck Mrs. Françoise Quatrus Mr. Paul Grant
The 57453 or “La Voiture Noire” has already become an inspiration for two detective novels: “The Bugatti Affair” by Paul McNabb and “Fatal Pursuit” by Martin Walker. Now, in a real-life research, we may feel some Agatha Christie vibe, as it is probable that the key to finding the lost Bugatti Atlantic (i.e. the 57453/57222/57454 or just “Belg. Coupé”) lies in a list of people who once met in one room. Despite the fact that the lost Atlantic is a French car strongly linked to Belgium, the room is located in the USA.
The list may help with linking two interesting testimonies that we have received. But before I describe these testimonies, I should choose the most probable hypothesis concerning the last years of Mr. Gabriel Duhoux’s ownership of the Atlantic. What I noticed when I was writing “The mystery of the Garage Métro” article is that all of Mr. Gabriel Duhoux’s garages (that had operated under the Garage Red Star brand) found new managers (or even proprietaries) just before 1958. In the 1958 address book (The Almanac) they are linked to new names:
the one at rue de Mérode, 278/rue de Serbie, 83 is “Garage Warlotte”,
the one at rue Josaphat, 150 has become garage “Aux Quatre Rampes”,
the one at Chaussée d’Alsemberg, 102 is “Etabl. J. Demain”.
The Garage Métro was not affected by this process as it had belonged to Mr. Pierre Joseph Norbert (or just Norbert, according to some documents) Duhoux, not to Mr. Gabriel. Moreover, thanks to Ante’s great work, we know that Mr. Norbert Duhoux actually sold the showroom to Mr. Philippe Henricot in July 1952. Nevertheless, it is likely that the Atlantic was kept in Ets. Henricot-Roomans after that transaction.
Did the Belg. Coupé stay in Ets. Henricot-Roomans?
Why would Mr. Gabriel Duhoux leave the car in the showroom which had been owned by his brother? Such decision might seem odd as at some point of time the Duhoux brothers parted ways. At first, it would be good to be sure that the car has ever been placed in that building. The clues provided by Mrs. Thérèse Goyvaerts’ family member and the description given by a person related to Mr. Philippe Henricot clearly indicate that the showroom at 303-309, Chaussée d’Alsemberg was, most likely, the place where the Atlantic was brought in 1946. Then, there are two breakthrough years- 1949 when the Garage Métro was taken over by Mr. “P. Duhoux” (either Mr. Norbert using his “original” name or, more probably, Mr. Pierre Joseph Duhoux- https://gw.geneanet.org/bois?n=duhoux&oc=7&p=pierre+joseph&type=fiche) and 1952 when Mr. Philippe Henricot bought the showroom.
If “P. Duhoux” really means “Mr. Pierre Joseph Duhoux”, then there is a good argument supporting the hypothesis that the Atlantic stayed in the showroom after the first of these two points in time. Mr. Pierre Joseph Duhoux was the father of a man that would become some kind of Mr. Gabriel’s automotive heir- Mr. François Duhoux. Mr. François, who is remembered as a very kind man in general, developed a good family relationship with Mrs. Thérèse Goyvaerts. Eventually, he received Mr. Gabriel’s Mercedes 220 A convertible, on a condition that he would not drive the car in Brussels as the huge traffic of the city led to many accidents.
So, a working hypothesis that the Atlantic stayed in the Garage Métro until 1952 sounds reasonable, but how about Mr. Henricot’s era? The 1952 marks two transactions which could influence the fate of the 57453/57222/57454 Atlantic: the sale of the Garage Métro by Mr. Norbert Duhoux and the sale of the 57562 Atalante by Mr. Gabriel. The Atalante was sold to Mr. Jean De Dobbeleer with a damaged engine. But was the damage recent? According to testimonies from Braine l’Alleud, the Mercedes became Mr. Gabriel’s everyday car (most probably, replacing the Atalante). It might not have affected the role of the Atlantic very much.
A special car for Mr. Duhoux?
An idea that Mr. Duhoux treated the 57453/57222/57454 as a special car sounds like applying a modern way of thinking to the past. However, the car had a production date of 03.10.1936 and some other due date 31.08.1939. It was lent to the King Leopold III, but could it be the real origin of the nickname “Belg. Coupé”? What if Mr. Gabriel Duhoux had had some influence on the redesign which we know from the 57473? The redesign was, most likely, applied to the 57453/57222/57454 as well.
Although Mr. Lester G. Matthews jr. confuses the 57453 and the 57473, there are some clues in his paragraph about the redesign:
“Another photo of an Atlantic taken circa 1937, still in the hands of the factory, shows it on a test circuit in the Vosges mountains of Alsace, not far from Molsheim, which was used by the Patron for testing of his vehicles.
The black car had low headlights, slightly advanced and the rear fenders had aluminium skirts. (Gaston) Garino explained that (Pierre) Marco told him that Jean had certain changes made to the car in 1938 or 1939: extension of the rear fenders, pontoon style; substitution of louvered ventilation on the sides and top of the hood; the louvers on this example are unique”.
The 57453/57222/57454 had much lower headlights than the 57473. If the narrative should not be split between two cars, then the paragraph can be interpreted as a testimony concerning the modification of the 57453/57222/57454. It plays well with a testimony of Mr. Duhoux’s family member.
Even if the restyling has been applied to both cars (the 57473 and the 57453/57222/57454), the hypothesis that some changes had been suggested by Mr. Duhoux is very hard to prove.
However, there is another reason to believe that the Atlantic had a special meaning to Mr. Duhoux. The car had been lent by the Bugatti factory to the King Leopold III. The fact has been confirmed by Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier who obtained a document that confirms the return of the car via Automobile Club Alsace on the 22th of June 1939.
This makes another testimony of Mr. Duhoux’s life partner’s family sound more precise.
The car was reportedly sold in late 1950’s. Could it be at the turn of the 1957 and the 1958? It would be perfectly consistent with the first testimony that we have received.
The first testimony: through Antwerp to the USA
We have been participating in Le Vieux Bruxelles Facebook group for some time. Just after my post with a question concerning the Garage Métro, I received a message from a citizen of the Forest municipality. He began the conversation by “J’habite en face du garage Skoda” (I live on the opposite of the Škoda garage). The “garage Škoda” (currently, a supermarket) is, of course, a successor of the Garage Métro.
Then, I asked the Gentleman (Mr. Frédéric) if he could tell me anything about Mr. “P. Duhoux”, the manager of the Garage Métro from 1949 to 1953. He wondered why I am interested in the story of that building:
Then, the magic happened.
Mr. Frédéric informed me that Mr. Louis Deschamps, a mechanic known among Belgian and French Simca fans, had participated in a transport of a Bugatti Atlantic to the USA. I say “a Bugatti Atlantic”, because Mr. Frédéric believed that it could have been the EXK6 (the car that belongs to Ralph Lauren now).
Actually, the 57591/EXK6 scenario is impossible as that car spent these years in Great Britain. However, Mr. Deschamps might have participated in the transport of the 51133 (i.e. the Atlantic-like Dubos Coupé). According to Mr. Frédéric, the Bugatti driven by Mr. Deschamps did have some problems with clutch.
Although the American destination sounded inconsistent with the Duhoux story, I asked Mr. Frédéric if Mr. Deschamps had known anything about the American buyer.
The only additional information that I obtained was that Mr. Deschamps’ boss had flew to Antwerp in a helicopter to arrive first. Ante learned that Mr. Deschamps could be about 19 or 20 at the time of the transport. It is not very hard to find some more information about the mechanic. Not only is he mentioned (with an address of his garage) by French and Belgian Simca enthusiasts in a thread of the Caradisiac forum (https://forum-auto.caradisiac.com/topic/372972-matra-bagheera/page/5/), but it is also his obituary that can be found on the Internet: https://www.enaos.net/P1220.aspx?IdPer=37701.
If Mr. Deschamps had talked about the 51133 (the Dubos Coupé), he would have told a story from “the fall of 1955 or 1956” (As Mr. Gene Cesari told Mr. Lester G. Matthews jr.).
So, Mr. Deschamps was 16 or 17 at that time. Would it even be legal for him to drive a car? It is hard to say as there are sources informing that Belgium introduced its driving license system in 1967. But there are also mentions of permissions being “automatically” given by the authorities before that date- but only to people over the age of 18. Even if it had been legal- would Mr. Deschamps’ boss have entrusted rather a valuable car to a 16 or 17 year-old? The boss flew to Antwerp, so Mr. Deschamps might have driven without an assist.
On the other hand, an assumption that Mr. Deschamps worked for Mr. Philippe Henricot would mean that there was some other, direct supervisor who went to Antwerp by a helicopter. Mr. Henricot had survived a plane crash in Gander (http://www.ganderairporthistoricalsociety.org/_html_4658/Sabena_crash.htm). He has come back to Belgium and refused to fly ever since.
(I masked the introduction which reveals the degree of relationship between my interlocutor and Mr. Philippe Henricot).
However, the Gander catastrophe belongs to a longer story of Mr. Philippe Henricot’s links to America. The site of the Sousa Mendes Foundation shows two documents concerning the flight of Mr. Philippe, his mother and his sister accompanied by a nanny to the USA in 1940 (https://sousamendesfoundation.org/family/henricot ).
I talked with some inhabitants of Uccle who had known Mr. Louis Deschamps. They describe him as a great mechanic, whose human side was even more likable.
To sum the chapter up, I think that Mr. Frédéric’s testimony, i.e. “the Deschamps story” may be credible for those reasons:
Mr. Frédéric thinking that the Deschamps Atlantic could have been the 57591 which translates to
Mr. Frédéric not seeking fame (he told me the story because I had been asking about Mr. Duhoux and the Garage Métro)
The accordance of dates (Mr. Deschamps was 18-19 at the turn of 1957 and 1958)
Mr. Deschamps reputation
Mr. Henricot being linked to the USA- so the testimony may imply that Mr. Gabriel Duhoux left the car in the showroom (ex-Garage Métro) after the acquisition of the building by Mr. Henricot
A strong link between the Henricot family and the aerial industry (Mr. Gilbert Périer)
The second testimony: the Atlantic in Nigeria?
The second testimony is fully accessible to the public. It can be found on the French forum called Caradisiac. A gentleman who uses the nickname “Tunesi” writes that a friend of his father has seen a Bugatti Atlantic in Nigeria.
Mr. “Tunesi” himself is mentioned as an expert and as the source of interesting automotive artifacts by several organizations. Moreover, he has once given a lecture about the Bugatti family. I checked his family tree and the story of his father. Then, I compared the data with the address of Mr. Bernard Pinault provided by Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier. Mr. “Tunesi’s” father and Bernard Pinault really seem to have been friends.
So, the reasons to count Mr. “Tunesi’s” testimony as credible are:
The trustworthiness of Mr. Tunesi as an expert quoted by some important automotive clubs
The story of Mr. Tunesi’s family. It is a family of renowned engineers
Lack of reasons to question Bernard Pinault’s knowledge of Bugattis
The fact that the members of Mr. Henricot’s social circle were involved in Belgian activities in Africa. There might have been a person who was linked to Mr. Henricot or to Mr. Périer and who visited Nigeria.
The luncheon in Hampshire House- the closed circle mystery?
Here is where we reach the list of dramatis personæ of our closed circle mystery. The Deschamps story may mean that Mr. Gabriel Duhoux kept the Atlantic until late 1950s. Such interpretation plays well with the initial statement from his life partner family (given via a notary, visible in a screenshot above). When Mr. Duhoux realized that his illness might be terminal, he found new managers for the facilities of the Garage Red Star and probably decided to sell the Atlantic with a help from Mr. Philippe Henricot.
I consider the testimony about Mr. Louis Deschamps as an argument for the hypothesis that the car stayed in the showroom during the Henricot era and the story of Mr. Philippe Henricot’s life as something that makes the testimony even more credible. The transport to the USA means that the new proprietary for the Bugatti could have been chosen among people whom Mr. Henricot met during his school years. Either among Americans or among Belgian immigrants. The latter is more probable as a Belgian might have been more likely to take his or her car to Nigeria. Moreover, we have a proof that Mr. Henricot’s mother’s social circle in the USA consisted mostly of immigrants from her home country.
The proof is a list published in “The New York Times” from the 3rd of January 1941 in a kind of social column entitled “Dinner given here by Orson D. Munns”, describing high class events and mentioning names of their guests. One of those events was a luncheon given by Mrs. Suzanne Henricot in the Hampshire House on the 2nd of January of 1941. The information about the guests of the luncheon is summarized in this table:
Many of these ladies belong to Belgian nobility. I think that the table shows Mr. Louis Orts (a nobleman as well) the as the most probable buyer. There are also some more interesting facts about him. Firstly, he had a not well-known Bugattist in his family. Mr. Gustave Francotte, was a Bugatti owner in 1932 (https://www.sparealites.be/la-villa-le-fagnou).
Mr. Francotte’s wife, Mrs. Nadia Peltzer. was a daughter of Mrs. Aline Orts, an aunt of Mr. Louis. Mrs. Aline was a half-sister of Mr. Louis’ father, Mr. Pierre. Moreover, Mr. Louis’ mother came from another branch of the Peltzer family. Secondly, a son of Mr. Orts’ sister, Elisabeth, Jean-Louis Ganshof van der Meersch, lived in the USA. That may be another clue to the mystery of Mr. Frédéric’s testimony. As for the Nigerian story I have received the following mail from a member of Mr. Orts’ family:
It should be remembered that there was a great exodus of Belgians from Congo in 1964. Mr. Louis Orts, who had the experience from about 20 colonial companies, among others in Compagnie Sucrière Congolaise which provided Congolese sugar to Nigeria, could use this experience in other African countries. Another thing, indirectly linked to the mail quoted above, is that Mr. Orts had been divorced since 1945. Most information his ex-wife and children is linked to Belgium, while Mr. Orts’ death place is a French town named Yerres. Does it sound like a description of a person that we are looking for? Was Mr. Orts a man who bought the lost Atlantic from Mr. Gabriel Duhoux?
The reasons to research Mr. Louis Orts’ automotive heritage in the quest for the lost Atlantic:
He perfectly fits both the American and the African (Nigerian) story
In the newspapers available via Belgicapress I found at least two lists of participants of Africa-related meetings mentioning Mr. Orts alongside Mr. Gilbert Périer. A strong family link allows us to say Mr. Gilbert Périer means “the Henricot family”. Both Mr. Orts and Mr. Périer received a legal education. They might have been good friends.
He seems to be a mysterious person whose heritage is not well known to members of his own family
If we assume that Mr. Gabriel Duhoux knew that the car had been used by the King Leopold III, then a sale to a Belgian nobleman seems to be a natural choice
Mr. Orts had a cousin whose husband owned an early Bugatti (around 1932). The husband, Mr. Gustave Francotte is not well known to Bugatti experts.
Here, I would like to ask people who are linked to:
Mr. Louis Orts
Association Champ de repos de la famille Orts
the community of Fauvillers (as Mr. Orts is buried in Tintange)
Jean-Louis Ganshof van der Meersch ( 1924-1982)- as Mr. Jean-Louis was a son of Mr. Otrs’ sister
the Francotte-Peltzer family
to help me either confirm or falsify my hypothesis.
Even the photos or documents concerning the car that we are looking for, the lost Bugatti Atlantic, would be precious for museums like Autoworld (https://www.autoworld.be/fr/) or Musée national de l’Automobile Collection Schlumpf (https://www.musee-automobile.fr/). There are reasons for both: the Atlantic was once lent by the Bugatti factory to the King Leopold III (a fact already mentioned, well-documented by Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier), but it is also considered a treasure of the French automotive culture. It is even suggested that it should be sought after by the French Task Force which looks for goods stolen by the nazis (https://news.artnet.com/art-world/france-research-restitution-nazi-looted-art-1504219, https://www.thedrive.com/news/27693/100-million-lost-bugatti-atlantic-coupe-is-a-collectors-treasure-hunt).
I do not want any reward from the owners of the souvenirs of from the owners of the car itself. All I want is the discovery.
To be continued…
Andrzej Szczodrak
Many thanks to:
Uwe, Ante and Valentin
Mr. Frédéric
Mr. “Tunesi”
Professor Guy Vanthemsche
Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier
The Henricot- Périer family
The Goyvaerts family
The member of the Orts family
The Greindl family, especially Baron Renaud Greindl
The inhabitants of Uccle and Drogenbos, especially to Mrs. Jessica and to Dr. André
The inhabitants of Linkebeek
Mrs. Danielle Hoslet who introduced me to the Almanac
Mrs. Françoise Quatrus
Mr. Paul Grant
The inhabitants of Braine-l’Alleud, especially to the members of the group “Braine-l’Alleud d’hier à aujourd’hui”
The members of the groups : “Le Vieux Bruxelles”, “Le vieux Bxl“, “Anderlechtensia”, “FOREST, de hier, d’aujourd’hui et de demain !”, “I Love Forest – I Love Vorst”, “UCCLE FOREST histoire”
by A57SC / Confused or merged? The 57453/57222/57454 and the 57473 after the war
Most Bugatti fans know that the pre-war history of the 57473 and 57453/57222/57454 Atlantics used to be filled with confusion. Thanks to the great work of Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier we learned that in 1937 both the 57453 and the 57473 had visited the French Riviera. But may some more photos or testimonies attributed to the 57473 (maybe even from the period after the WWII) be actually linked to the 57453/57222/57454?
A replica. But can the original 57453/57222/57454 still be found?
The 57473’s body changes can be considered one of the most mysterious episodes of the history of Bugatti Atlantics. Yes, as mysterious as the whereabouts of the “La Voiture Noire” (or rather “Belg. Coupé”). The truth about the 57473’s redesign could even turn out to be the key to learning the true fate of the 57453/57222/57454. Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier believes that the modification has not been carried out during the Holzschuch era. The great historian is convinced that Mr. Jacques Holzschuch, who ordered the car as an elderly person, was unlikely to change his taste. If we stick to this belief, we automatically assume that Mr. Jean Bugatti has not modified the 57473 directly.
This assumption may be true, but it leads into a difficult path of thinking. There is a convincing testimony, given by Mr. Pierre Marco to Mr. Gaston Garino, that Mr. Jean Bugatti had actually modified a body of an Atlantic. Moreover, an old article by Mr. Christian Huet (written before the rediscovery of the 57453/57222/57454) contains a strong suggestion that the redesign of an Atlantic had been commissioned by Mr. Robert Benoist (now, Mr. Huet believes that it was the 57473 that was directly modified, and therefore, that the operation was commissioned by Mr. Jacques Holzschuch).
As Mr. Jean Bugatti died on the 11 of August 1939, there are five possible scenarios:
What most of Bugattists used to believe: The 57453/57222/57454 was not modified and the modifications of the 57473 were carried out outside the Bugatti factory. But by whom? No proof of reported Figoni et Falaschi’s authorship can be found,
Mr. Jean made the body changes to the 57453/57222/57454. The carrosserie was put on the chassis of the 57473 by Mr. Jules Boichard (less likely) or by Mr. Robert Verkerke who, according to cartes grises, seems to have installed a compressor in the 57473,
Mr. Jean modified the 57473 when the car was owned by Mr. Jacques Holzschuch. Before or after, he probably did the same to the 57453/57222/57454,
Mr. Jean redesigned the 57453/57222/57454. After the war, the 57473’s body was modified accordingly,
Mr. Antoine “René” Chatard actually owned two Atlantics. The 57473 (it this case, Mr. Chatard’s ownership is indirectly reflected in documents- with Mrs. Marguerite Schneider as proxy) and the modified 57453/57222/57454. The cars were confused.
The last hypothesis seems easy to be eliminated as the photos of the Atlantic which was held at Mr. Francis Mortarini’s place clearly show the license plate- 1610 AV 75. The car shown in the photos is, almost surely, the 57473. Therefore, a “conspiracy theory” assuming that the 57453/57222/57454 was hit by the train instead of the 57473 can not be true. It would require a scenario with Mr. Chatard owning two Atlantics and using the same set of documents for them. The Bugatti history contains an episode of a chassis number that was duplicated for tax reasons. But in the case of the Atlantics it would have been done outside the factory. And it sounds more than unlikely. So, it is sure that the 57473 had been modified. Either by direct changes to its carrosserie or by putting the 57453/57222/57454’s body on its chassis.
The hypothesis that the factory copied a redesign of the 57453/57222/57454, done by Mr. Jean Bugatti, to the 57473 during the post-war era seems weak. The 57374 was brought to Molsheim in early 1950s and its rear part remained unchanged. If the factory had modified the 57374 according to Mr. Jean’s design, the same would have happened to the 57374.
On the other hand, Mr. Pierre Marco’s testimony sounds pretty credible. Yes, Mr. Marco had had a “difficult financial history” with the Bugatti family, but still he had no reason to lie to Mr. Gaston Garion about the Atlantic. Mr. Ante Furač has done a great job of contacting a Figoni et Falaschi expert, Mr. Richard Adatto and asking him to research the documents in order to check if a contract for the Atlantic’s modification has been preserved. The only trace of Figoni et Falaschi’s possible intervention is that the archives of the coach-builder contain a photo of the 57473 with Mrs. Yvonne Pinder known as Yvonne Holzschuch (in fact, it is not sure that Mr. Holzschuch and Mr. Pinder were married- https://gw.geneanet.org/gelizabeth2?lang=en&iz=0&p=jacques&n=holzschuch, https://gw.geneanet.org/gelizabeth2?n=pinder&oc=&p=yvonne+rebecca).
So, there are three reasons to consider the hypothesis that Mr. Robert Verkerke has merged the 57453/57222/57454 and the 57473:
the reported installation of a compressor in the 57473. The car was registered as a “57SC” in the “cartes grises” during Mr. Bouteaux’s ownership (and Mr. Bouteaux was Mr. Verkerke’s successor). Therefore, the compressor seems to have been installed for Mr. Verkerke who has also made the first appearance with the modified body. Then, the engine upgrade could have been an element of broader modifications.
The changes that have been made to the body. All the answers to the question what happened between the Holzschuch photo from Juan-les-Pins and the Verkerke photo from the « 3ème Circuit international de vitesse pour voitures particulières de série » are still more of hypotheses than of proven facts
the story of the Delahaye axle: Mr. Alfred Barraquet, who was the mechanic of Mr. Pierre Boncompagni, mounted a Delahaye’s axle in a single Bugatti (the fact is confirmed by Mr. Alfred’s son). Messrs. Barraquet and Boncompagni lived in Nice before the WWII. This is one of the reasons why Mr. Jess Pourret links the Boncompagni story with Mr. Ernest Friderich, who was a Bugatti dealer in Nice and who exposed the 57453/57222/57454 at a salon in that city. Moreover, Mr. Friderich is likely to have been the agent who attempted to sell an Atlantic (the 57453/57222/57454) to Mr. Gabriel Duhoux (as it was Mr. Friderich who sold the 57562 to the Belgian). Therefore, Mr. Barraquet is much more likely to have had an access to the 57453/57222/57454 than to the 57473. However, according to Mr. Lester G. Matthews, Mr. Gaston Garino, a “close collaborator of Francis Mortarini”, claimed that Mr. Mortarini had removed such axle from the 57473. The question is if Mr. Garino witnessed a removal or just noticed that the axle was not there. Mr. Christian Huet opts for the second response. He is also convinced that it was Mr. Jacques Holzschuch who had commissioned the modifications of the 57473.
Basically:
A direct proof that Mr. Mortarini removed a Delahaye axle from the 57473 would be a strong argument for (I would even say “an indirect proof of”) the hypothesis that the cars have been merged.
A photo of the 57473 from the Boichard era showing the car without modifications could also be considered a proof of the merged cars hypothesis.
On the other hand, a direct proof that Mr. Holzschuch commissioned the body modifications of the 57473 would mean that the post-war stories of the 57453/57222/57454 and the 57473 are, most probably, separate.
Mr. Christian Huet, who says that Mr. Gaston Garino was his friend, denies that Mr. Garino had been a close collaborator of Mr. Mortarini. It means that Mr. Garino’s claims concerning the removal of the Delahaye axle probably resulted from his deduction and not from an eyewitness experience.
Therefore, the Belg. Coupé was probably not merged with the 57473. So, it is likely that the car can still be found.
by A57SC / Why the Bugatti Chiron is the perfect base for the modern La Voiture Noire
As many of you probably know, I’m researching a very interesting track of the black Bugatti Aéro Coupé/Atlantic known as “The 57453”, “La Voiture Noire” and “The Belg. Coupé”. The last of these names, albeit not widely known, may be the most important clue. It’s mentioned in the factory documents along with the name of Belgian architect, Monte Carlo Rally pilot and hotel owner, Mr. Gabriel Duhoux. The name “Belg. Coupé” is quoted both by the authors of “The Bugatti Type 57S”- Mr. Bernhard Simon and Mr. Julius Kruta (these authors believe that the name refers to the Type 64) and by the author of “Bugatti. les 57 Sport”- Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier.
The Belg. Coupé’s due date was 31.08.1939, and that’s why I would like to share my thoughts today.
The origin of the name “Belg. Coupé” is an object of hypotheses. Mr. Pierre-Yves Laugier has pretty much exhausted the topic of the basic directions, because he listed all three of them. The car could have been
meant for an exhibition in Belgium
prepared for a Belgian customer (and Mr. Duhoux was definitely Belgian)
built for the King Leopold III (a special case of the second scenario)
Although exhibitions are mentioned both by Mr. Laugier and by the authors of “The Bugatti Type 57S”, this hypothesis is the least credible one. If the car had been meant for the Paris salon, then why would it have been called the “Belg. Coupé”? Why would the due date have been 31.08, while the Paris Salon regularly took place in October. On the other hand, if “Belg.” means the place of exhibition, then why do we see “Paris” next to the due date?
Then, there are two other hypotheses, which may be actually combined. What if Mr. Duhoux had been a middleman for the King?
Even so, it’s very interesting to realise that Mr. Duhoux competed in the Monte Carlo Rally 1932 with Louis Chiron. Moreover, Mr. Chiron often worked with Ernst Friederich (a Monte Carlo Rally participant from 1925) and Mr. Duhoux has received his first Bugatti, the 57562 Atalante from Mr. Friederich’s Bugatti agency in Nice.
In the reasoning that led me to contacting the notary of the heirs of Mr. Duhoux, I probably made just one mistake. However, the mistake doesn’t rule out the conclusion than Mr. Duhoux’s story is really worth researching. After receiving very interesting mails from Mr. Ante Furač and having a great conversation with Mr. Uwe Zummach, I believe that the entry: «Moteur 2CS, 57.454 Coupé Atlantic, 1244 W5» probably refers to the Black Aéro. The problem needed a re-analysis because:
“Moteur 2CS” is an argument for the Black Aéro. The Type 64 with the chassis number 57454 is known to have an engine with the number “2”. However, for all the cars on the Bordeaux list the “C” means “compressor”. I haven’t found any mention of a supercharged prototype of the Type 64.
57454- appeared with both cars
“Coupé Atlantic”- in French automotive culture there was a difference between a “coach” and a “coupé” . The latter had only two side windows, embedded in its doors. The black Type 64 from the Mulhouse Museum is a coach. Even if the white car seen on the photos (www.bugattibuilder.com/photo/displayimage.php?pid=4581&fullsize=1), is not the same, it started its life as a coach as well.
“1244 W5”- as I wrote, the registration plate hasn’t been photographed on the Black Aéro. It can be seen in the photo of the Type 64. But it’s not a very strong argument.
However, the presence of the Black Aéro in Bordeaux, might rather mean that the car was returned to the factory. And even the change of the registration plate from 1521 NV4 to 1244 W5 is an argument for that.
There are two strong arguments that La Voiture Noire was received by Mr. Duhoux before the World War II and went back to him after the conflict had ended
A letter from 29th September 1939 documents a move of the 57454 chassis number and the 1521 NV4 registration plate from a grey Ventoux to a “Coach special Type 64”. It means that this identity had been moved from the Black Aéro to the Ventoux before.
The last known identity of the Black Aéro (the chassis number 57454) was assigned to another car just after the war.
I keep on researching, so please stay tuned.
For now, I would like to recommend you a visit to the Cité de l’Automobile Museum in Mulhouse. From the 19th of June to the 3rd of November there is an exhibition called “Incomparables Bugatti”.
